Human Rights without Borders


, , , , , ,

The 5th annual Leicester Human Rights Arts and Film Festival starts on 4 December 2018 with Human Rights Without Borders, an event that will bring together a number of groups that have ___ without Borders as part of their name or which share the without Borders ethos.

As part of the event, each of the groups will give a presentation around the work they do, what they reckon are the most pressing issues at home and abroad, and what ought to be done about the issues.

About The Festival

The Leicester Human Rights Arts and Film Festival aims to explore human rights issues, at home and abroad, through a series of events that are free and open to all and which include panel events, film, music and art.

The Festival runs from 4 December through to 10 December and aims to draw attention to International Human Rights Day which is celebrated annually, around the world, on December 10.

__ without Borders

In the United Kingdom and beyond, there are a number of groups that have ___ without Borders in their name or which share the without Borders ethos. These groups include:

Doctors Without Borders/ Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF)
Bards Without Borders
Architecture Sans Frontières
Teachers Without Borders
Music without Borders
Schools Against Borders for Children
Engineers Without Borders UK
Clowns Without Borders, UK
Reporters sans frontières / Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
Metal without Borders, and
● De Montfort University Leicester (DMU)’s #LoveInternational, among others.

Some of these groups will be represented at Human Rights Without Borders.

The programme, precise venue, times, and participants will be announced closer to the event.


How Leicester and the Ghirass Children’s Cultural Centre in Bethlehem are connected


, , , , , , , , , , ,

Leicester Friends of Bethlehem coordinator, Claire Wintram writes about how people in Leicester are connected to children, teachers and volunteers at the Ghirass Children’s Cultural Centre in Bethlehem, Palestine.

Leicester Friends of Bethlehem is proud to have been associated with the Ghirass Children’s Cultural Centre, Bethlehem, Palestine, since July 2005.

The first visit to Leicester, of members of the performing group, the Hakaya Band, took place over a long weekend as part of a fortnight’s visit to London and Bath during that month, with last minute arrangements having been made.

That weekend was life-changing for some of the then host families.


17 members of the Band and four of their teachers are about to make their sixth visit to Leicester from 16th June to 1st July 2018 with a full programme of music, dance and drumming workshops in schools, sports activities arranged, meetings with local politicians, a day spent creating artwork and recording music at Soft Touch Arts.

There will be a public performance by the Band followed by discussion about life under military occupation in the theatre of St Paul’s Catholic School, Evington, on Wednesday 27th June, at 7.00pm, courtesy of the school.

The Ghirass Centre is a secular organization, attracting students and staff from all cultural and economic backgrounds in Bethlehem and the surrounding area. The founder and Director of the Centre, Ms Ibtisam Ilzhayyer, a person of great vision, who started the venture in 1994, aimed initially to rectify extreme problems affecting children’s and young people’s education impacted by the devastating, daily trauma of living under illegal, brutal Israeli military occupation.

Students in schools run by the UN or in Palestinian Authority run schools often are in classes of up to 60 so there is no chance of one-to-one tuition and young people fall behind. Added to this, schools can be commandeered as barracks and interrogation centres by the Israeli army for months at a time, so clearly learning is severely disrupted during these periods. Students and teachers and university staff are harassed at checkpoints, including girls and women being sexually harassed and intimidated by Israeli soldiers.

Over the last 24 years, the Centre has extended its provision to include: two outdoor play areas with protection from the sun; a garden for children and parents to relax in; a well-stocked library that has seen literacy rates in Arabic amongst students and parents (particularly mothers) rise dramatically; art and handicraft workshops; play equipment to promote dexterity and fine motor skills; and, extra maths tuition for those who need it.

Two social workers are employed by the Centre who carry out extensive psycho-social assessment and offer tailor made support to children and their families struggling with the traumas of everyday life. Home assessments are also carried out where travel is possible.

Travel outside Bethlehem and sometimes within it is severely restricted by the apartheid wall built by the Israelis and by the increasing number of military checkpoints round the town. When possible, Ms Ilzhayyer and colleagues travel to outlying villages to engage schools and day nurseries in play-centred learning and in encouraging literacy in the areas. She offers training and access to a book and toy library.

Ms Ilzhayyer has also been very influential in encouraging the Teacher Training Department of Bethlehem University to use her child-based approach to teaching reading. This programme has been very successful and is employed by many schools.

Over the last four years, more work has been begun with supporting children and their parents to enable them to survive daily trauma by using dance, drama, poetry, singing, football, and chess. Boys and girls engage in all these activities together.

The performing aspect of the Centre, which is where Leicester Friends of Bethlehem come in, was initiated because young people have no time in their mainstream curriculum to learn about their own culture. The Hakaya Band remedies this, having created three different age-groups of performers with their own contemporary take on traditional folk dancing and singing and more recently, drumming.

The group has an outstanding musician and a succession of excellent choreographers. We fundraise to bring a group over to the UK every three years. We don’t fundraise for the Centre itself as the current costs of a visit are approximately £28,000 and we have just about reached that target this year.

We work with schools, a network of host families and arts organizations locally to ensure a successful visit.

The public performance is always met with warm enthusiasm.

Many life-long friendships have been formed between Leicester and Palestinian families. Several Friends of Bethlehem members have visited the occupied territories (at their own cost).

The dancers have also performed in France, Belgium and Jordan

The Centre will not take money from any religious or political organization. In the past, a German NGO has provided considerable funds and covered infrastructure costs. Currently, Norwegian and Swiss organizations are providing funding, but it is always short-term.

This is Belonging: Coming together to bring about positive change


, , , , , ,

Penny Walker, from Leicester for Peace, reflects on, This is Belonging: Challenging militarism at home and abroad, an event that was held at the Secular Hall in Leicester as part of the 2017 Leicester Human Rights Arts and Film Festival

This is Belonging - Secular Hall - 8 December 2017

This is Belonging“, on Friday 8th December, looked at the growing militarisation in the UK and how that impacts on young people. The idea came about because a small group of us have been working on the issue for some time – challenging the army recruitment drives in Humberstone Gate and trying to get into schools with an alternative narrative to that offered by the army which is embedded in many people’s values.

Our chair, Helen Dexter, was brilliant and Rhianna from ForcesWatch put the whole issue in a national and political context. I was very uplifted to hear Joseph from Leicester [National Union of Teachers] NUT explain that the NUT is against military involvement in schools. We have found it so hard to get into schools but with Joesph’s help I can see progress ahead. We have arranged a meeting with him in January.

Sarah Levitt also spoke. She is head of arts, museum and events in the City and we hope she will be able to exert some influence about the license granted to the army for their public displays. We were asking that children are not allowed to play with the guns and that there is some warning for parents about when they will be in Humberstone Gate. As well as speaking she also listened to what we were saying so hopefully before she leaves her job on January 20th, there will be progress there too.

It is important to arrange events like this when people can come together and learn and debate. But it is essential for me that we use that knowledge and those connections to bring about positive change. I am hopeful.

The British Army is targeting working class and marginalised young people – Here’s why this should stop


, , , , , , , ,

by Rhianna Louise, ForcesWatch*

The military, particularly the Army, actively targets the most deprived areas in the UK and the most disadvantaged families in their recruitment drives, which are aimed at young people from the ages of 16 to 24.

This is despite the fact that in 2008 the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child recommended that the UK government reconsider recruiting under 18s into the military and ensure that recruitment does not target ethnic minorities and children of low income families.

I want to frame today’s discussion about military recruitment in the context of militarism in the UK and the militarising shift that we have seen in recent years. I want to talk particularly about why it is important to challenge militarist discourse, and why we should be promoting full and balanced information about military careers rather than propagandistic material aimed at vulnerable young people.

Then I’m going to discuss some of the ways in which military recruitment marketing is designed to target working class and marginalised young people, and what the effects of this are. I’ll share some thoughts on the perceived ‘recruitment crisis’ the UK is facing, and on how the way we recruit could and should be changed.

Military recruitment in the context of militarism in the UK

Militarist discourse dominates key spaces in the public imaginary in the UK.

We rely heavily on military action, values and worldviews for our national identity and our foreign policy. A militarist outlook is embedded in traditional perceptions of British nationhood and its security, in political orientations and the policies that come from them, in our fears and hopes for the future, in the language we use and the stories we tell about the way the world works, and in our entertainment, arts and media productions.

David Gee, Spectacle, Reality and Resistance: Confronting a Culture of Militarism, 2015.

Key spaces in the public imaginary that are dominated by militarism are perceptions of:

  • Britain’s historical and contemporary relationship with the world
  • requirements of national and international security
  • social and personal identity, such as power, belonging, gender, aggression and violence.

The domination of militarism over the first two spaces is evident in the drivers and justifications behind recruitment trends and popular narratives around recruitment; and of the third, in recruitment marketing campaigns.

Challenging militarist domination over perceptions of Britain’s historical and contemporary relationship with the world, is important because:

The legacy of Britain’s empire and its imperialist history ripples across the world today, and is poorly taught and understood in the UK itself, where revisionist, imperialist pride continues to be prominent. Militarism goes hand in hand with strong uncritical national pride, which prevents people from interrogating openly their country’s past. This can lead to racism, marginalisation and an inability to deconstruct power and privilege – essentially having a stagnating effect, countering social progress.

Militarist discourse glorifies past military endeavours as one, using generalised terminology (died for our freedom, sacrifice). This can be a-historical and can result in past military operations being used to stifle critique about current or future military operations.

Challenging the domination of militarism over perceptions of national and international security is important because:

Militarism, with its emphasis on military might, can prevent discussion and thinking around security from being wider and more informed. This is dangerous given the power vacuums, election of populist leaders, rise in nationalism and increased strain on international cooperation that we see today. In this climate of increasing insecurity, it is concerning that security as a concept is not widely defined or discussed in public and political debate in Britain. (See

Instead our whole debate about security is reduced to simplistic assumptions fed by militarism – that security can be achieved by: seeking power for the UK at the expense of security for people elsewhere; advancing ill-defined ‘national interests’, often disconnected from the real security needs of people and communities; prioritising short-term threats over the long-term systemic causes of insecurity (climate change and scarcity, economic inequality, social and political marginalisation, the global arms trade and violent conflict); and extending control over the strategic environment, achieved principally through offensive military capabilities, a superpower alliance and restrictions on civil liberties. This security discourse is flawed and is manifestly not working; yet heavily embedded militarism stands in the way of alternative discourses. (Again, see

Finally – and this is my focus here today – it is vital to challenge the domination of militarism over perceptions of personal and social identity.

Militarism is strongly connected with hegemonic masculinity. In Leicester itself you have seen how it is normalised for children, in particular young boys, to handle deactivated weapons used in contemporary warfare, while dressing up as soldiers during public military recruitment and PR drives. Machismo is dominant in military culture, and young men in particular are targeted by appeals to their desire to be seen as possessing ‘masculine’ power. For example, a young teenager was recently told by recruiters visiting their school in Scotland that enlisting would make them a ‘proper man.’ Related to the notion of hegemonic masculinity equating power is the idea that a military career guarantees a sense of belonging, and a secure, empowered personal identity.

As the armed forces try to recruit more women, ‘Be a man’ has morphed into ‘Be a hero’ (and the ‘making of a man’ idea has been euphemised in ‘made in the Army’, or the Navy, or the RAF) but men and traditional masculine norms still dominate military life.

It’s important to think critically about the ethics of military recruitment, because enlisting in the military is a life-altering decision with long-reaching social and individual consequences. It is vital that people are equipped to see through military marketing campaigns and think critically and carefully about a decision to enlist. They should have a full understanding of the potential personal impacts of a military career as well as the agendas they would be serving, and be empowered to continually interrogate these agendas with conscience and with intellect.

Increasing militarism

Today, the development of militarism in our society is taking on new and significant forms. Despite media propaganda, the invasions of both Iraq and Afghanistan have been unpopular. Abuses of human rights, the conditions of military life and widespread cynicism about the efficacy, necessity and purpose of recent wars, have slammed into the limits of public support for the armed forces.

The British general public have maintained their strong support for the troops, but less so for military operations and even the military as an institution. In recent years, in an attempt to recapture or reinforce the sanctity of the military in the public imaginary, sections of the military, political and media elite have launched or supported a range of initiatives to build support for the armed forces, sustain morale, improve recruitment and increase sympathy and support for current wars. (Paul Dixon, 2017. See upcoming (2018) paper by Paul Dixon in collaboration with ForcesWatch).

The special relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom also influences modern militarism in the UK; and this is likely to be particularly significant in post-Brexit Britain given our perceived increased dependency on a ‘special relationship’ with the United States.

How military recruitment targets socio-economically disadvantaged and marginalised young people

There are lots of different ways in which the military seeks out young people for recruitment purposes. I’m going to talk mostly about their marketing campaigns and look at some specific recent campaigns. But firstly I want to mention that the armed forces also visit schools in the UK for the purposes of recruitment and PR. Most visits are explicitly careers related, and most are to state schools.

The MoD is constantly denying that its school visits have anything to do with recruitment. But Select Committee and Ministry of Defence documents make it clear that service personnel go into schools as recruiters and engage with schools for the purpose of recruitment and PR. Dr Jonathan Parry, who is a Birmingham Fellow in Global Ethics and Director for the Centre of the Study of Global Ethics, has described military influence in education for the purposes of recruitment as ‘moral exploitation’ .

Targeting disadvantage

The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child have expressed concerns that armed forces recruitment activities do not specifically target children of low-income families. Research indicates that not only are the youngest recruits at the highest risk during their training and careers, this particularly affects those from disadvantaged backgrounds. Furthermore, the high drop-out rate suggests that many young people sign up without sufficient awareness of armed forces life. Once they have dropped out, they find they are no longer in the education or training system and are without a job.

In general, information about military careers provided by the armed forces does not provide a realistic assessment of the risks involved, yet the unique risks of an armed forces career demand that young people sign up with a significant level of awareness of what they will encounter.

Military Marketing campaigns

Early this year, ForcesWatch and Medact, a public health charity, will be publishing a report analysing four recent military recruitment marketing campaigns, looking particularly at how they target the psychological vulnerabilities of disadvantaged young people. I’m going to share with you some of the findings and analysis we’ve been working on with regards to the Army’s latest recruitment campaign, which is called This is Belonging.

We know from Freedom of Information inquiries that the Army targets a core audience of 16-24 year olds. We now also know that the Army targets in particular such young people across the UK who are working class, with specific interest in Belfast, Birmingham, Cardiff, Cleveland, Doncaster, Leeds, Liverpool, Manchester, Newcastle, Nottingham and Sheffield. They focus on lower income earners whose adult children are striving to gain independence, meaning space is limited, and those with an average household income of £10,000.

Every year, the British Army launches a recruitment campaign with a new theme. While the British Army predominantly attracts young, white male, there is evidence that it is aiming to widen its recruitment strategy and diversify its intake in terms of gender and ethnicity. The core audience remains young (16-24 year olds from working class families).

This is Belonging

This is Belonging is a £3m advertising campaign launched by the British Army at the start of 2017, which includes a series of short films, as well as billboard advertisements, radio advertisements, recruitment literature and online material. Each film is 30 seconds or less, and ends with “This is belonging. Army. Be the best. Find where you belong, search Army Jobs.”

In the This is Belonging film stories, most of the protagonists (and all the main protagonists) are men, and all are young. Message strategy analysis shows that the target audience are expected to have an emotionally driven approach to the decision to enlist, to be motivated by the idea of finding friendship and belonging, and also by adventure and stereotypically male culture. All the protagonists’ voices have accents, and all the soldiering activities portrayed are manual/practical – the implicit messaging here is that the target audience are working class and prefer working with their hands or physical activity.

This is belonging positions a job in the Army as a unique experience through which lasting bonds of friendship are formed. The This is belonging recruitment page on the Army website, which is designed to match the marketing theme, says:

The benefits of belonging in the Army.

A sense of belonging may sound like a small thing. Yet it fuels you as much as food and water, because it doesn’t just feed your body, it feeds your mind and soul.

The stronger the sense of belonging – the stronger you become.

Sure, you could look for belonging in a football team or club, but the sense of belonging you’ll find in the Army – well that’s the next level.

When you’ve trained together side by side, learnt things no classroom can teach you and fought with each other, for each other – that creates a bond like no other. A bond that lasts a lifetime.

Belonging sees you through whatever life – on or off the battlefield – may throw at you.

This is belonging.

The ‘belonging’ portrayed through the films is a simple, ‘boyish’, playful friendship. Speech is limited and could be called ‘banter.’ The soldiers interact through shared activity.

The theme of belonging is also utilised for recruitment by other entities in which conformity and distinction are key, such as gangs, sports teams etc. It appeals in particular to adolescents and young people who are undergoing the most intense phase of social identity formation.

All the confusion, instability and changes adolescents face, are compounded by their under-formed personal and social identities, resulting in their tendency to over-identify with others or with groups in order to gain a sense of security and belonging. These might take the form of love interests, cliques, or even gangs or extremists.

By appealing to the adolescent child’s need to belong, the army have therefore latched onto a very popular recruitment tool, powerful in particular among those who feel isolated or marginalised, or who have a sense of non-belonging and potentially low self-esteem. As seen in the Navy’s Made in the Royal Navy campaign, this message strategy is normal in military recruitment campaigns – but it is the overriding message strategy in This is belonging

The promised reward of signing up is ‘belonging’ to the army is becoming stronger and stronger by virtue of ‘belonging’. This is tempting indeed for adolescents who tend to crave social acceptance and a feeling of importance in a group context. The army claim to offer a sense of belonging stronger and more powerful than any other

The domination of militarism over perceptions of social and personal identity is very evident in the Belonging advertising campaign. The Army is presenting itself as having ownership over belonging – there is no belonging like belonging to the Army. You gain social power through belonging to the military might of the British Army; in militarist ideology, the capacity for violent possession and domination is a key mode of power

Even though the Army is trying to appeal to more females, there is still an evidently gendered perception of personal identity they put forward: militarist power is intricately linked with hegemonic masculinity. Indeed almost all of the This is belonging characters are male, their interactions are stereotypically boyish – banter, a lack of conversation, and interaction through practical shared activity.

To ‘belong’ in the army has conditions which are not apparent in the This is belonging campaign. A recent report by Veterans for Peace called First Ambush shows that The erosion of self-determination, of autonomy of movement and of privacy and choice of personal appearance are all integral to the training regime in which recruits are anonymised and controlled. They are subject to relentless activity and the resulting fatigue, to authoritarian power and an absence of civilian norms and social support, which can cause anxiety and disorientation. Clearly, not everyone ‘finds where they belong’ given that bullying and harassment are endemic in the military according to countless reports.

The campaign presents this ‘belonging’ as life-long. But many veterans struggle to adjust to civilian life and can feel lonely and out of place. Isolation and loneliness are widely known to affect many veterans upon return to civilian life. Many are at risk of depression, self-harm and suicide – and the younger they sign up, the more likely they are to face mental illness later on.

Aside from the visible weaponry, there is no sign of fighting or violent conflict in this recruitment campaign or any other recruitment marketing campaigns. In This is Belonging, unlike in other campaigns which focus on diving, dolphins etc., there are harsh, exotic landscapes – but they emphasise travel and adventure without context of why the soldiers are deployed in those areas.

The army photography policy says that images should never show soldiers pointing weapons at the camera (because it seems hostile), or be shown as if they may be in any danger – in other words, the army does not want soldiers to appear either dangerous or in danger.

Aside from the immorality of recruiting people (particularly young people) who are not fully informed, recruiting people with expectations that may not fit the reality of a soldier’s life feeds into military retention problems.

This brings me to the perceived military ‘recruitment crisis’ that we hear about so much in the news.

The Ministry of Defence tells us that it is facing a ‘recruitment crisis’ – this is nothing new, it has been saying this for many years. I’m not going to focus here on the discussion we could have about Britain’s maintenance of an expeditionary force, the fact that UK already has the seventh highest military expenditure in the world – while measures to address long-term security threats are underfunded etc. etc., or even on the influence of militarism on our perceived need to feel constantly under threat and able to invade other countries. But what I am going to say definitively is that even if we accept the narrative of recruitment crisis, then rather than trying to make up for adult recruitment shortfalls by recruiting people who are legally children, the MoD could spend more on the welfare of personnel so that retention rates go up. The army has very high turnover, which means it constantly has to find new recruits. If soldiers were happier and stayed longer, recruitment wouldn’t be such an issue.

The Armed Forces Continuous Attitude Survey 2017 reported:

  • 40% non-officers are actively looking for work outside the armed forces
  • Only 39% of soldiers would recommend enlisting to a friend.
  • Reasons for leaving: low morale, low pay, lack of job satisfaction and impact on family life.

High turnover in our Army is particularly a problem because we recruit so many under 18s and target people from socio-economically disadvantaged backgrounds.

Almost half of those who leave school at 16 to join the army have left it within four years. A third of all army recruits without core GCSEs at any grade drop out of training, a rate of attrition around 50% higher than among recruits with A*-C grades. This contributes to a high rate of unemployment among ex-soldiers, particularly if they left full-time education early. (See

In the US, Americans without a high school diploma are normally deemed too cost-ineffective to enlist and, compared to the UK, the US recruits relatively few minors. The British Army actively seeks adolescents in their mid-teens from deprived backgrounds and without GCSEs, particularly for infantry jobs. But young age and a background of disadvantage lead to a high rate of attrition.

There is an over-representation of younger, typically disadvantaged recruits in the infantry, where training is tougher and retention is poor. There is greater susceptibility to the stresses of training among younger adolescents from adverse childhood backgrounds,

Those most likely to suffer mental health problems enlist at a young age and/or are from a deprived background; are deployed to war in a front-line combat role, meaning one where the frequency of traumatic experiences is greater; and/or struggle to readjust to civilian life after leaving the forces. The youngest recruits face the greatest long-term mental health risks. There is a 64% increased risk of suicide among young men (under 20) in the Army when compared to the general population.

Research by the British Legion has found that the unemployment rate among working-age veterans is approximately twice the civilian rate; a lack of transferable, accredited qualifications acquired in service is a common complaint. Veterans who are most affected by deprivation are those who are youngest, who are Early Service Leavers, who have a lack of social support and who are Army veterans.

So, we should be calling on the Ministry of Defence to focus on retention: improve conditions for personnel, and stop recruiting and targeting children. And we should challenge propagandistic recruitment materials, particularly when they are aimed at vulnerable young people.


Please see more about the work of ForcesWatch at, and follow us on twitter and Facebook @ForcesWatch .

You can download a pack on taking action on militarism at

Join a public Facebook group where people are recording the #everydaymilitarism they witness in the UK:

*This article is based on a talk Rhianna Louise gave at This is Belonging: Challenging militarism at home and abroad, an event that was held at the Secular Hall in Leicester as part of the 2017 Leicester Human Rights Arts and Film Festival.

100 Years of Tear Gas, Policing with Poison & Its Implications


, ,

10 December 2017

Secular Hall
75 Humberstone Gate, Leicester LE1 1WB


On Human Rights Day 2017, Dr Anna Feigenbaum explores how tear gas came about, the uses it has been put to over the past 100 years, the uses it is being being put to now and its implications on human rights.

The talk is hosted by the Leicester Secular Society in association with the Leicester Human Rights Arts and Film Festival.

Dr Anna Feigenbaum is Principal Academic in Digital Storytelling in the department of Journalism, English and Communication at Bournemouth University. She is the author of Tear Gas: From the Battlefields of WW1 to the Streets of Today (Verso, 2017). She has also co-edited books that include Protest camps in international context: Spaces, infrastructures and media of resistance (Policy Press, 2017) and Protest Camps (Zed, 2013).

The Leicester Secular Society is the world’s oldest Secular Society. The society hosts a series of public lectures that are free and open to all. Past speakers at these lectures have included George Bernard Shaw, Bertrand Russell, Tony Benn and Annie Besant.

The Leicester Human Rights Arts and Film Festival is now in its fourth consecutive year.

The festival runs from December 4 through to December 10. It aims to draw attention to human rights issues at home and abroad as well as draw attention to International Human Rights Day which is celebrated annually, across the world, on December 10.

A note on the image:

… from left to right:
1. German infantry soldiers (equipped with gas masks) in a cloud of poison gas, 1916, on the Western front in Flanders (either Belgian or French), Wikimedia and the German Federal Archive
2. Playground protest (Source: “Kenya police fire tear gas on playground protest“, BBC News, 19 January 2015)
3. ‘woman in a red dress’ (Ceyda Sungur), Gezi Park, Turkey, 28 May 2015 (Source: “Police who sprayed Gezi’s ‘woman in red’ ordered to plant 600 trees“, Hürriyet Daily News, 10 June 2015)

Music without Borders 2017


, , , , , ,

9 December 2017

1 Millstone Lane, Leicester

4pm till 10pm

Music without Borders 2017 is a music concert in solidarity with children who are seeking refuge.

Musicians, artists and bands that are taking part include:

Mellow Baku
Autumn Dawn Leader
Paz Alexander
Luke Broughton
Red Leicester Choir, and
KGB Jazz.

The event is free and open to all and is being held to raise funds for the Leicester-based projects, After18 and LE Solidarity, and for Maya Harding and The Flying Seagull Project who work with children in formal and informal camps in places like Greece.

In Leicester, “Music without Borders” was conceived as part of the Leicester Human Rights Arts and Film Festival by The Brandy Thieves lead vocalist, Andrea Kenny, and environmental and sustainable development specialist, Mariangela Veronesi, who in 2015, co-organised the first event in the series.

Metal Without Borders 2017


, , , , , ,

8 December 2017

Pi Bar
cnr Narborough Rd & Norman Street, Leicester LE3 0BA

7pm till late

Metal without Borders 2017 is a metal music festival / metalfest that is being held at Pi Bar at 1 Norman Street in Leicester in solidarity with children who are seeking refuge.

Performing at the event are:

My Legacy

The metalfest is free and open to all.

It is being held as part of the fourth annual Leicester Human Rights Arts and Film Festival to raise funds for:

After18, a Leicester-based charity that works with unaccompanied children who are looking for refuge
LE Solidarity, which supports people who are looking for refuge, including those who are in informal camps in places like Calais and Dunkirk, and
Maya Harding to support the work she is doing with The Flying Seagull Project who work with children in formal and informal camps in places like Greece.

This is Belonging: Challenging Militarism at Home and Abroad


, , , , , , , ,

8 December 2017

Secular Hall
75 Humberstone Gate, Leicester LE1 1WB


In Leicester, as in other deprived communities around Britain, the army is targeting children for recruitment.

This is Belonging will look at how communities in Leicester and beyond are resisting the attendant militarisation of schools, public spaces and childhood.

Speaking at the event are:

● Rhianna, ForcesWatch
● Chris Paling, Veterans For Peace UK
Jo Phoenix, Professor in Criminology, Open University
● Sarah Levitt, Head of Arts and Museums, Leicester City Council
● Joseph Wyglendacz, Executive Member, City of Leicester NUT / National Education Union, and
Penny Walker and Sue Taylor.

“This is Belonging” will be chaired by Dr Helen Dexter SFHEA, Associate Professor of International Politics, University of Leicester.

The event is free and open to all and is being held as part of the 4th annual Leicester Human Rights Arts and Film Festival which runs from 4 December through to 10 December every year.

Leicester for Peace, Leicester for Human Rights


, , , , , ,

8 December 2017

Clock Tower
Leicester LE1 5YA


Since December 2015, people have been gathering at the Clock Tower in Leicester for an hour every Friday evening in the name of peace. Chalked messages have inspired passersby to add their own messages of peace to the pavement.

As part of the 2017 Leicester Human Rights Arts and Film Festival, Leicester against War, Leicester for Peace becomes Leicester for Peace, Leicester for Human Rights.

Drop by. Chalk a message about peace and human rights on the pavement at the Clock Tower. Read messages other people have written. Take a stand for peace and human rights.

Leicester: Diversity and The City


, , , , , ,

7 December 2017

Westcotes Library
Narborough Road, Leicester LE3 0BQ


Leicester is celebrated for its diversity and multiculturalism. But, what does this really mean?

What are the demographics like in Leicester? How do they compare with national figures? What do the demographics say about poverty, (in)equality, access (or barriers) to services, (un)employment, opportunities (or the lack of opportunities), the criminal justice system and other systems? Do key institutions’ employment patterns reflect the city’s demographics? If not, why is this?

As part of the 2017 Leicester Human Rights Arts and Film Festival, a range of speakers will present a variety of takes on these and related question, and take part in a discussion and Q&A session with those present.

Speaking at “Diversity and The City” are:

Arnab Dutt, CEO of Dexo Technologies; Diversity lead, Federation of Small Businesses
Sarah Seaton, Equalities and Assistant Secretary to Leicester and District Trades Union Council (L&DTUC)
Mathew Hulbert, Chair, LGBT Centre
Ahmad Haseeb, Equality and Diversity Lead, University Hospitals of Leicester NHS Trust
Dr Leah Bassel, Associate Professor in Sociology, University of Leicester

“Diversity and The City” will be chaired by Dr Chryso Hadjidemetriou FHEA, a Lecturer in English Language and Linguistics at the University of Leicester.

It is being held at Westcotes Library on Narborough Road because of how the road has been identified as the most diverse street in Britain:

The event has been organised in association with CivicLeicester, The Race Equality Centre (TREC) and the University of Leicester’s Unit for Diversity, Inclusion & Community Engagement (DICE).